Comprehensive coverage, analysis, and breaking news on judicial accountability.
Justice Bhuyan’s recent critical remarks on the Collegium transferring judges at the ‘government’s request’ brings to memory a long list of judicial transfers that denote executive interference in judicial appointments.
Paras Nath Singh
Staff Writer
As structural vulnerabilities in the Collegium system become harder to ignore, the need for a Judicial Council emerges as a constitutional necessity, not a political concession.
While rejecting Justice Varma's challenge to the Lok Sabha Speaker's decision, the Supreme Court held that rejection of a removal notice in one House does not bar the other from proceeding independently with impeachment inquiry
The Court questioned how parliamentary legal advisers permitted what Justice Varma has described as a unilateral exercise of power by the Lok Sabha Speaker.
The controversy around Justice Nisha Banu’s transfer to Kerala HC opens up unsettled constitutional debates on judicial transfers and Article 217(1)(c).
Justice Swaminathan recently sparked controversy when, on December 1, 2025, he directed the temple management/devasthanam to light the Karthigai Deepam at Deepathoon, in addition to the usual locations.
Over the past decade, the new normal has been an increasing decline in standards of judicial independence and integrity. As the 52nd chief justice retires, we reflect on his complicated legacy as a jurist, an administrator, and a Dalit chief justice in a withering democracy.
Across both India and the United States, panelists traced familiar and troubling patterns: pervasive executive influence, interference in judicial appointments, and polarization within the judiciary itself.
What interest could the government possibly have in seeking the transfer of Justice Sreedharan to the Allahabad High Court instead of the Chhattisgarh High Court, where he was originally proposed to be transferred?
Within five months of his repatriation to the Madhya Pradesh HC, Justice Sreedharan was proposed for transfer, first to the Chhattisgarh HC and now to the Allahabad HC, at the Government’s request.
Notably, Justice Monga was transferred to the Delhi High Court from the Rajasthan High Court in May 2025. The reasons necessitating his return to the Rajasthan High Court are not in the public domain.
In its September 15 order greenlighting Ambani’s Vantara project, the Supreme Court issued an honorarium of 9 lakhs to the three SIT members which concluded investigation in only 17 days. A broader question arises: should there be a consistent framework to determine SIT honorariums?
Although the government cleared the names of 24 judges, it did not approve the names of advocates Adnan Ahmad and Jai Krishna Upadhyay.
In her reported Collegium dissent, Justice Nagarathna suggested Justice Pancholi’s elevation to be “counterproductive”. The Leaflet’s analysis shows why the appointment does not align with the Collegium’s own criteria on appointments and the potential CJIs who were overlooked.
Justice Pancholi’s elevation to the top Court had earlier, reportedly, faced a strong dissent from Justice B.V. Nagarathna, the sole woman judge in the Supreme Court, who termed his elevation “counter-productive”.
Among those recommended for transfer by the Collegium are Justices Arun Monga, who assumed charge in the Delhi HC only one month ago, and Atul Sreedharan who had taken suo motu action against BJP minister Vijay Shah.
The recommendation to elevate Justice Pancholi to the Supreme Court reflects poorly on the Collegium’s record on transparency, especially given that senior judges from unrepresented and underrepresented High Courts were overlooked.
If Justice Pancholi is appointed, he would serve as the Chief Justice of India from 2031, even as the Collegium’s statement takes a step back in terms of transparency.
Justice Datta’s comments last week on the leader of opposition’s patriotism revealed one thing with clarity: a judge’s words carry both legal weight and public influence, and even the unspoken has a profound impact.
Judge Aditi Sharma resigned on July 29 after the judge against whom she raised allegations of harassment was greenlit by the Collegium for elevation. We provide a brief recall of a story that must be remembered.
The panel, consisting of Justice Aravind Kumar, Madras HC CJ Manindra Mohan Srivastava and senior advocate B.V. Acharya, shall frame specific charges against Justice Varma.
The move follows serious reservations expressed by CJI Gavai against the order, and a letter signed by thirteen senior judges of the Allahabad HC calling to defy the Supreme Court’s order.
Earlier this week, the Supreme Court censured the leader of opposition over his remarks on the Indian Army, noting that if he was a true Indian, he wouldn’t make such statements. But in a time where oral observations travel faster than judicial reasoning, the concern around imposed nationalism’s chilling effects become acute.
As the Supreme Court recalls its controversial strictures against Allahabad HC judge, one story is put to rest. However, the repeating issue of overlordism and undignified criticism by higher court judges remains an issue far from resolved, with domino implications on our entire judicial system.
While the Court upheld the constitutionality and legality of the in-house inquiry process, it noted that its decision would not preclude Justice Varma from seeking legal remedies in future.
A recent letter to the CJI alleging caste bias by a Madras HC judge must make us reflect carefully on the higher judiciary’s long history of caste feelings and prejudices.
The Bench questioned why Justice Varma had not objected to the constitution of the committee at the outset if he believed it to be unconstitutional.
The bench scheduled the petition for a hearing on Wednesday, allowing senior advocate Kapil Sibal, representing Justice Varma, to submit the in-house committee’s report.
Justice Varma’s writ petition seeks not fairness, but a do-over — and bypasses the process he already partook in. At the heart, at stake is the judiciary’s integrity and the faith of thousands of litigants who knock on the court’s door.
The Andhra Pradesh HC’s recent circular, which directs judicial magistrates to comply with the SC decisions in Pratapgarhi and Arnesh Kumar, is a welcome move, but exposes faultlines.
Following the move, Delhi HC’s strength has shot up to 40, as seniority of Justice Pratiba Singh drops to fifth.
At times the understanding of the state institutions seems to be that the Constitution of India protects ‘right to be offended’ as a fundamental right and the freedom of speech and expression is subordinate to it.
On July 1, CJI B.R. Gavai announced that the SC would adopt a 200-point roster system for appointment of SC and ST candidates. While a remarkable moment, the development comes thirty years after the R.K. Sabharwal decision which first evoked the roster idea, and between no reservations for OBCs, and the Court’s own difficult legacy on reservations in promotions, hurdles remain in realising effective representation in our courts.
By reversing the gains of the judgements in Indira Jaising I and II, the Supreme Court has retreaded in a rare, testing moment of institutional transparency.
On the top of our mind should be a sustained campaign for impeachment and prosecution, all through due process. But from a big picture perspective: how do we make sense of eroding public faith in the judiciary, and can we do so without bringing to question the wider conditions of democratic backsliding under this government?
Earlier this week, The Leaflet published the full report of the in-house committee on Justice Yashwant Varma, against whom an impeachment motion may be introduced this monsoon. In 1989, Lawyers Collective had relentlessly campaigned for the removal of a sitting Supreme Court judge Justice Ramaswami, alleged of extravagant expenditures and proved misbehaviour. Recalling this crucial episode of our judiciary’s history, and how it ended, provides perspective in these challenging times.
A recent report has suggested that the SC stopped short of an in-house inquiry against Justice Yadav after the Rajya Sabha Secretariat claimed exclusive jurisdiction. A progressive lawyer’s body has now revived a long-stalled push to initiate enquiry and demand unconditional apology from the Allahabad HC judge.
Reports suggest that the government may be mulling over circumventing the requirement of a committee to investigate the charges against Justice Yashwant Varma under the Judges (Inquiry) Act. This decision might not only undermine the constitutional force of the 1968 legislation, but also jeopardise the impeachment proceedings against Justice Varma.
Judges with prior litigation and trial experience are often better at managing case dockets, adjournments and empathising with the granular struggles of underprivileged litigants. But the decision’s exclusionary impact on women and marginalised communities highlights that systemic reform is a project far from complete.
Following the unusual request, on May 28, Justice Manjari Nehru Kaul forwarded the matter to CJ Sheel Nagu for seeking his order regarding the listing of the case.