Comprehensive coverage, analysis, and breaking news on equality.
The Chief Justice of India’s recent remarks, and a spate of agitations led by the Hindu right against the new UGC Regulations to tackle caste-discrimination in campuses seek to undo our progress towards substantive equality.
Justice K. Chandru (Retd.)
Staff Writer
While elitist historiography has predominantly narrated the Constitution as a liberal achievement, its radical re-reading reveals an exclusionary framework towards religious minorities, sexual subalterns, the disabled and the labouring bodies.
A decade after Rohith Vemula’s passing, a series of matters before the Supreme Court - Amit Kumar, Abeda Tadvi, and now challenge to the new UGC Regulations - are testing its ability to account for structural factors behind student suicides across India’s higher education spaces.
As courts move away from insulating personal laws, Assam’s new law brings long-standing tensions between personal law, gender justice, and fundamental rights back into sharp focus.
Even after embracing new faiths, Dalit Christians and Dalit Muslims continue to face caste-based exclusion. Yet a 1950 Presidential Order blocks them from constitutional protection.
With 84.1% first-generation entrants and 57.8% reporting unequal leadership opportunities, the SCBA survey maps persistent gender gaps.
For millions of disabled Indians, justice is inaccessible not only in time but also in understanding — physical, intellectual, and legislative.
While SICs/CIC may reject particular applications if they fall under the exceptions catalogued in the RTI Act, they cannot impose overarching bans on citizens' right to information.
The HC’s order reflects a conspicuous judicial attempt to dilute the settled precedent in Shreya Singhal (2015), privileging restriction over the enhancement of free expression.
A November 2024 office memorandum of the Ministry of Social Justice and Empowerment makes NFSC eligibility conditional upon NAAC accreditation of the student’s previous university. The SC formed National Task Force must recognise this as a glaring violation of the Court’s own precedents.
Once imagined as a corrective measure to support Bahujan PhD candidates, the NFSC has sadly reproduced the endless waiting and humiliation which has historically characterised the bureaucracy’s repressive treatment of marginalised communities.
The Karnataka Devadasi Bill 2025, while abolishing dedication practices, reinforces cis-normativity and creates potential legal precarity for the gender-diverse Jogappa community. The result is cultural erasure and the undoing of constitutional guarantees to gender plurality.
In a string of recent orders by sessions courts and the Orissa High Court, accused from Dalit and Adivasi communities have been directed to engage in forced labour as a condition of their grant of bail. Despite the top Court’s censure of caste-coded impositions in our criminal justice system, courts have not shied in treating life, liberty and dignity malleably.
A recent letter to the CJI alleging caste bias by a Madras HC judge must make us reflect carefully on the higher judiciary’s long history of caste feelings and prejudices.
As tragic stories from Odisha to IIT Delhi fill our newspapers, the Supreme Court formed National Task Force on mental health and discrimination must treat these deaths not merely as administrative lapses, but as constitutional infractions.
The Bihar electoral revision, which will impact regions like Seemanchal the most, touches not only on the issue of domicile with impacts on the upcoming census but also illegal migration which will filter out non-citizens.
CJI Gavai’s speech last week urging students to reconsider the value of self-funded foreign law masters degrees was more than just financial advice. For those living through the reality of his words, it was a testament to the structural inequities of India’s legal education spaces.
Trojan horse for a very real legal commentary on the absence of queer relationship protections in India
By reversing the gains of the judgements in Indira Jaising I and II, the Supreme Court has retreaded in a rare, testing moment of institutional transparency.
Last month the Supreme Court laudably recognised that leave and benefit due to maternity formed a part of the fundamental rights, aligned to international human rights standards. But questions on jurisdiction and position of women in informal economy remain crucially unanswered.
In the halls of the Constituent Assembly, language was a hotly debated issue, shaping several discussions all the way down to how States were named. In the first of this multi-part constitutional history series, we explore a brief history of provinces in newly independent India, their competing visions of nationhood, and what our legal imagination of language in today’s majoritarian India must borrow from this history.
On June 16, a review petition against the SC’s three-year practice judgement raised the concern of marginalised communities’ access to the judiciary. But the SC’s reasoning that there is no effective justice without practical exposure holds weight too, and a new model of legal education may show light.
The law laid down by the Supreme Court on sanction for prosecution is inherently contradictory, the outcome of each decision at the mercy of the precedent relied upon. Despite reforms to the criminal laws, an archaic provision rooted in a colonial procedure survives, and in disharmony with our constitutional scheme.
The mandatory imposition of a three year mandatory practice in the Court’s recent All India Judges Association case exacerbates women’s already precarious position in India’s legal and judicial fraternity.
After three days of hearings between May 20 and May 22, the Court noted there was presumption of constitutionality even as certain aspects required detailed consideration. Here is a run-down of the arguments by petitioners, respondents, and the rejoinders.
The ‘illegal migrant’ categorisation of Rohingyas has ensured a blanket denial of most fundamental rights. However, earlier this year, the Supreme Court stepped in to acknowledge that Rohingya refugees could not be discriminated against on access to education. But the rot runs deep, and the legislature, at some point, must take note.
A step ahead of the Union’s gender budget statement, Karnataka includes transgender welfare schemes. But the miniscule allocation reminds us why Karnataka, much like Kerala, must also have a separate transgender budget statement if justice for all is to be secured.
Today, a Division Bench led by CJI Sanjiv Khanna will continue hearing both sides regarding challenges to the Waqf Amendment Act, 2025. As the Court gears for a hearing that will preliminarily assess whether an interim order is required, our comprehensive explainer breaks down the Union’s counter and the rejoinders.
With the aggravating effects of neoliberalism and Hindutva fascism, labour rights in India, which are a reflection of citizenship itself, have been systematically diluted through protective legislation, the criminalisation of protests and strikes, the informalisation of work, and attacks on unionisation - notably through the new labour codes.
On the ground, the interactions of people with disabilities with courts, policing and prison infrastructures and the fundamental lack of will to effectively implement the RPWD Act, show that reframing access to justice as a disability issue will require serious, concerted efforts
The downgrading from an A to B status by the Global Alliance for National Human Rights Institutions is a reflection of the NHRC’s eroding autonomous reputation, marked, among others, by its silence on Manipur and its poor performance on custodial death complaints
In 2006, the Supreme Court ascertained the ‘legality’ of employment in the landmark judgement in Secretary, State of Karnataka v. Umadevi. However, multiple interpretations of the double-edged Uma Devi guidelines have aided the State in shirking off its responsibilities.
If a government’s decisions are informed by anything other than scientific thought and reason, it becomes a theocratic government
We bring a complete run-down of the developments in West Bengal’s teacher recruitment scam litigation in the Supreme Court
Apart from the minimum wages section of the Code of Wages, other labour codes are irrelevant for the vast majority of workers in India
As the Union files a reply in seven days, Solicitor General Tushar Mehta assured the Court that no new appointments will be made to the Central Waqf Council or State Waqf Board
In April 1947, in a meeting of a sub-committee of the Constituent Assembly chaired by Sardar Vallabbhai Patel, Ambedkar batted in favour of affirmative action for minority groups
While reservation in employment has boosted representation of people with disabilities in bureaucracy, those from impoverished communities are yet to witness the legislation's promise in practice
Proponents of the NJAC across the political spectrum have relied on Dr Ambedkar’s quotes in the Constituent Assembly to highlight his disgruntlement with granting primacy to the judiciary on appointments. But before concluding whether Dr Ambedkar would have preferred the NJAC or the Collegium, we need a patient and nuanced scrutiny of the Constitution’s revolutionary framer.
On the 135th birth anniversary of Dr. B.R. Ambedkar, we review one of the most important collections on Ambedkar’s works published over the past year. Bhaskar, an anti-caste legal scholar, locates, with scrutiny and honesty, Ambedkar’s profound legacy against the many myths undermining his radical vision for the future.